Ninteen-Eighty-Nine
Ninteen-Eighty-Nine
Though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to
shine, the coal can never expire. –Thomas Paine
We live in a time in
which essential principles of democracy and liberty are under attack.
Nationalist movements have gained popularity almost everywhere, as has support
for authoritarian strongmen. Frightening this may be, but there is cause for
hope, for we live in a world that for the past 30 years has been dramatically
more free than at any point in human history.
When the average
Westerner is asked to name the most revolutionary year since the end of World
War II, they likely name 1968, a year racked with political assassinations,
massive anti-war protests in America and Europe, the invasion of Czechoslovakia.
It remains a focal point for the American baby-boomer generation, and since
they’ve dominated media attention their entire lives, it’s not surprising that
we who came after them still key on that year. However, 1968 is a footnote
in the annals of freedom and revolution in comparison to 1989.
Just look at this list
of countries under despotic rule in January 1989 that were free by January 1990:
Brazil, Chile, Czechoslovakia, East
Germany, Hungary, Mongolia, Paraguay, Poland, Romania,
and South Africa, which finally put an end to Aparthied. In January
of 1989, 60% of the world’s population lived under dictatorial rule, with only
40% living in democracies. By the end of 1990, the proportion switched,
with 60% living in democracies.
The first nation to free
itself was Paraguay, which had been dominated by General Alfredo Strossner since
his 1954 coup. Another general, Andres Rodriguez, arrested Strossner at the
home of his mistress on February 2nd, resulting in a night battle
between Strossner’s loyalists and Rodriguez’s forces in which between 31 and 200
soldiers and civilians were killed. Rodriguez ousted the remaining loyalists
from the military, the entire legislature, all of whom were loyalist
figureheads, and held new elections in May. Rodriguez was elected and passed
numerous reforms paving the way for a new democratic constitution ratified in
1992.
In nearby Chile, a June
30th referendum authorized multiple political parties for the first
time since its dictator Augusto Pinochet took power in 1973. The first free election was held in December,
and while the resulting government was not remarkably fair, Chile was now an
imperfect democracy rather than a cruel dictatorship. Also in December, Brazil held its first democratic
election in 30 years, following the passage of a new democratic constitution at
the end of 1988.
Things did not look good
for those living under authoritarian communism in the first half of 1989. When
thousands of Chinese protestors gathered for what they called, “The Great
Revolution for Democracy,” Communist China responded with tanks and bullets,
killing as many as 5,000. Yet, rather than suppressing the will of
freedom-loving people, it spurred them onward.
On June 4th 1989,
one day after China’s bloody crackdown
in Tiennamin Square, Poland held its first democratic
election since 1945. Utterly unintimidated by China’s example of communist
oppression, an overwhelming number of Poles cast their votes for Solidarity, an
independent, anti-communist Polish political party which had been an underground,
illegal organization through most of the 1980’s. In September, a new,
non-communist government was sworn into office.
One month later on
October 16th, the Hungarian Communist Party renamed itself the
Hungarian Socialist Party and introduced a series of sweeping political reforms
allowing non-communist political parties to participate in elections, separated
political power between government branches similar to the American system, and
made a simple, friendly request to the USSR that the Soviet troops stationed in
Hungry return home. To the world’s amazement, they did.
This left Hungary’s
militarized northern border with East Germany unguarded, and in a
matter of days, 30,000 East Germans fled into Hungary before the DDR
was able to close its border as it had done with the Polish border following
Solidarity’s victory. When thousands of East Germans fled to
Czechoslovakia, the only remaining nation to which East Germans were allowed to
travel, Erich Hoenecker, East Germany’s executive with near-dictatorial powers,
closed access there as well, effectively isolating the DDR from the rest of the
world. He even banned Soviet publications as “seditious” when Soviet
Premier Mikail Gorbachev told Hoenecker and the East German Politburo it would
have to accept reform. Meanwhile, escaped East Germans camped at West German
embassies in Prague and Paris
Hundreds of thousands protested inside East Germany itself.
Secretary Hoenecker had
led the committee which ordered the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961,
initiated the long-standing order to shoot-on-sight anyone attempting to cross
the wall, and in early 1989, predicted that the wall would stand for another
century. But on October 18th, the Politburo deposed Hoenecker,
replacing him with Egon Krenz who immediately re-opened the Czech
border. Initially, this was all the reform Krenz was willing to enact.
However, the flood of
East Germans into Czechoslovakia was so great that on November 3rd,
less than three weeks after Hungary had opened its borders, Czechoslovakia opened
its border with West Germany, allowing East German citizens free access.
Tens of thousands of East Germans now fled to the West each day. Meanwhile,
even more East Germans, tasting the chance for their homeland’s freedom,
changed their protest chant from “Wir wollen raus!" ("We want
out!") to "Wir bleiben hier" (“We’re staying
here!”). By November 4, over a million protesters were camped in
Alexanderplatz square in East Berlin.
On November 9, Krenz and
the Politburo accepted the inevitable and decided to allow East German citizens
to enter West Berlin via existing checkpoints. The change was to
take place on November 17th, and only for special circumstances, but
when the DDR’s propaganda minister reported this on a live teleconference, he had
not been briefed about any of it. Asked on camera when this change would
take effect, he replied, “as far as I know, effective immediately, without
delay.” Tens of thousands of East Berliners immediately flocked to the
wall’s gates, demanding entry to West Berlin. The border guards, who also
received no briefing, made panicked telephone calls their superior officers,
who in turn called the party leadership, asking for instructions. No one
was willing to order the use of deadly force, and the guards, overwhelmed,
opened the gates and let the thousands-strong crowd through. They were
greeted by jubilant West Berliners from the other side. The celebration
grew as East and West Berliners alike arrived with sledges, picks, axes, even
small carpentry hammers, and attacked the twelve-foot tall, three-foot thick concrete
wall, ripping down entire sections over the next few days. The following
weekend, the East German regime opened ten new border crossings. On
December 23, it allowed visa-free travel between East and West Germany,
which was already happening anyway.
Meanwhile in Bulgaria,
one day after the Berlin Wall fell, Bulgaria’s politburo responded to pressure
for reform by ousting its leader, but unsatisfied students began staging
peaceful protests which culminated in the Bulgarian Communist Party’s
abdication in Feburary of 1990.
A week after the fall of
the Berlin Wall, the “Velvet Revolution” in Czechoslovakia took
place. Though it had allowed free access for East Germans to West
Germany, Czechs were forbidden to leave. Mass protests were held,
including an estimated half-million-strong crowd in Prague beginning
in November 17th and continuing for ten days, culminating in a
nationwide general strike on November 27th. On November 28th,
the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia announced it would abdicate and two weeks
later, a non-communist government was appointed, with the first democratic
elections since 1945 to take place in June of 1990.
In Romania, a popular
Calvinist minister named Laszlo Tokes delivered a sermon criticizing the
Romanian Communist government and was arrested, sparking riots. On
December 22nd, the Romanian military which had been ordered to
subdue protestors instead joined them, and as tanks and rioters approached the
Central Committee building, Communist party chairman Nikolai Ceausescu,
oppressive even by Eastern Block standards, escaped via helicopter. He was
caught, however, and following a drumhead trial, was executed by firing squad
on live Romanian television.
Further
east, the nation of Mongolia which had been under communist rule since 1924 had
been changing as well. On November 28, a young journalist named Tsakhiagiin Elbegdor
spoke at a gathering of other student groups called the Young Artist’s Congress,
praising the recent reforms of the USSR and declaring that Mongolia needed
democracy. He was cut off by the chairman and a recess was declared, during
which Elbegdor met with two students who agreed to create a secret
pro-democracy movement. By the end of the conference they were thirteen. By
December 10th, they were 300, and staged their first protest in Ulaanbaatar. They got a significant, unintentional boost
when Russian chess grand master Gary Kasparov mused in a Playboy interview that
the USSR could sell Mongolia to China.
The protests led to hunger strikes, and Mongolia held its first free
elections in 65 years.
On December 25th 1989, conductor Leonard Bernstein gave a performance of Bethoven’s 9th symphony in newly free East Berlin, changing the word “Joy” in its climactic chorus to “Freedom.” The cheering and applause did not stop for nine minutes, and there was much to cheer for. Earlier that month, American president George Bush Sr. met with Soviet Premir Mikail Gorbachev met in Malta, formally declaring an end to the “Cold War.” Over the next few months, the wave of democratic revolution would continue to spread throughout Eastern Europe, culminating in the abdication of Gorbachev himself in 1991. Never in the history of the world have so many people, in so many different nations freed themselves of oppressors in so short a time, or with such little violence.
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